On the exact day Donald Trump received a custom-made "award for peace" from his recent ally, FIFA president "Johnny" Infantino, his administration published an similarly ostentatious national security strategy. This fairly short paper is saturated with pure Trump and Trumpism. It begins with the typically humble assertion that the president has rescued "our nation – and the world – back from the edge of catastrophe and disaster."
Even though the strategy largely codifies the ongoing policies and statements of Trump and his cabinet, it must be heeded as a serious warning for the international community, and for the European continent in particular.
The document advocates for an aggressive form of foreign-policy meddling where the US explicitly sets the goal of "promoting European greatness." Its language could have been taken directly from addresses by Viktor Orbán during the so-called migration emergency of 2015-16: "Our desire is for Europe to stay European, to reclaim its civilizational self-assurance." Even more ominously, the document claims that Europe's "financial downturn is eclipsed by the genuine and starker prospect of civilizational erasure."
The entire section dedicated to Europe is imbued with decades of European far-right dogma and rhetoric. The EU and its migration policies are blamed for "changing the continent and causing strife, suppression of free expression and suppression of political opposition, plummeting birthrates, and loss of sovereign identity and self-belief." According to the document, if "current trajectories continue, the continent will be unrecognizable in 20 years or less. As such, it is not at all clear whether certain European countries will have economic power and militaries strong enough to remain reliable allies." Indeed, the Trump administration believes that "within a few decades at the latest, some NATO members will become majority non-European."
"American diplomacy should continue to stand up for genuine democracy, freedom of expression, and proud celebrations of European nations’ unique heritage and history."
These points carry strong overtones of two concepts seen as foundational for contemporary far-right circles. The first is Oswald Spengler's "The Decline of the West," whose thesis on the cyclical decline of civilizations was employed by the German far right to criticise the "perversion" and "weakness" of the democratic Weimar Republic. The second is "Le Grand Remplacement," released in 2011 by French novelist Renaud Camus, who transformed long-existing "indigenous" fears into a more explicit conspiracy theory, accusing European elites of using immigration to replace rebellious "native" populations and import a more docile and reliant electorate.
It is the nationalist fever dream contained in both ideas that gives the Trump administration the right, if not the duty, to interfere in European affairs, the document suggests. And it is clear where it sees its allies: "America encourages its political allies in Europe to promote this resurgence of national spirit, and the increasing clout of nationalist European parties indeed gives cause for significant hope."
In other words, the US believes that it is essential to its national security to "Make Europe great again," and that the European far right is the only political force that can achieve this. Consequently, its "broad policy for Europe" prioritises "fostering opposition to Europe’s present path within European nations" – meaning the far right – and "building up the healthy nations of central, eastern, and southern Europe" – specifically "aligned countries that want to restore their past glory" – a clear reference to Hungary and Italy.
While the document remains unclear on implementation, it is apparent that a key aim is to push Europe to adopt a sweeping policy on freedom of speech, more aligned with the US model – particularly regarding far-right speech – and not just on social media. Another is to normalize relations with Russia; or, as the document calls it, to "reestablish strategic stability with Russia." Although the country is not directly called a future ally, the Trump administration evidently does not treat Russia as an enemy either.
In a broader sense, the national security strategy takes its inspiration less from the idealized US of the 1950s and more from the 1823 policy of 1823. Articulated by President James Monroe, this cautioned European powers not to meddle in the "Americas," which he proclaimed to be the US’s zone of influence. The Trump administration’s policy document vows to "assert and enforce a Trump addition" to the Monroe Doctrine, which entails the US "recruiting" countries worldwide that wish to help safeguard US national interests.
None of this is necessarily new – consider JD Vance’s address at the 2025 Munich Security Conference, where the vice-president unleashed an ideological attack on Europe’s democratic model. But maybe now that it is published in an official document, European leaders will finally understand that the stance is grave. And if the document is too lengthy or vague for them, it can be condensed in clear and concise terms: the current US government believes that its national security is most enhanced by the destruction of liberal democracy in Europe. In other words, the US is not just an unwilling ally; it is a willing adversary. Now is time to respond accordingly.
Agile coach and software developer with over a decade of experience in transforming teams and delivering innovative solutions.