Rachel Reeves has handled the upcoming spending review like a unwilling swimmer edging into freezing water, attempting to mitigate the hardship through gradual immersion.
Reeves started addressing the issue of limited income at the end of the summer months. At first, she refused to support previous statements that revenue hikes in the prior year's financial statement would be the ultimate ones.
Then, recently, she took a more significant move into the freezing waves. Her address promised to "take required actions" to fund government services and maintain loan interest under control.
In just 10 days, the finance ministry had pulled back the suggestion. The election promise was upheld after all. As any cold-water bather understands, this halted plunge and shivering retreat is the worst of all techniques. Nothing extends the discomfort like uncertainty.
It can be challenging to be decisive when selecting between levels of self-inflicted injury.
Expectation has not been a effective strategy for the administration. Fundamental of the prime minister's general election campaign was the unrealistic hope of in some way meeting citizens' demand for improved government services without overturning billions of pounds of Conservative reductions in taxation.
Never has both Starmer or Reeves adequately conveyed a sense of shared mission to justify all this pain. In part that is a issue of personality appeal. The prime minister and the chancellor are remarkably similar in their communicative deficiency, wooden and reserved in a way that drives the public off instead of attracting them in.
Similarly to electoral expectations to invest in state services has pushed the Treasury to concede that levies must increase, the commercial requirement of increasing prosperity makes it ever harder to overlook the cost of detachment from the continental trading bloc.
Officials spent a year experimenting in the shallow end of realignment with the EU: plans to eliminate customs checks on food items; a youth mobility scheme. Aspiration went a further on power generation, military and protection collaboration, but no major deals has to date been signed.
Without specific instruction and momentum from Downing Street, discussions are stuck. EU officials says economic advantages are accessed with contributions to the EU budget. British officials know that's the arrangement. That doesn't cause them eager for a visible argument and political opponents howling treason over any cost ends up being agreed.
Financial circumstances has triggered some shift in Labour's tone on the continental partnership. The chancellor has started citing EU withdrawal alongside the health emergency as a cause of commercial injury that the Treasury is working hard to fix. Other ministers have emulated this, although they cautiously ascribe the blame to "a bad Brexit deal" or "the manner of departure", never just "Brexit".
The problem of the UK's future relationship with the EU can't be limited to technical adjustments and import controls when the whole geopolitical order is in constant change. Considering everything that has happened since 2016, it feels appropriate still to be posing the big question: were the nation's concerns advanced by departing the EU?
These are sobering, challenging truths about Britain's position in uncertain world affairs. It is not surprising that both leaders flinch from the task. It would take them way out of their depth, into trends that they cannot resist. So rather they carry on anxiously moving along the coastline, praying that perhaps shortly the circumstances will shift.
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